Editorial: Thailand Mulls New US Aircraft Basing Request

By Prashanth Parameswaran

Washington wants to use Thai airports to base planes assisting in the ongoing migrant crisis.

Thailand is considering allowing its ally the United States to use its airports as a base for planes assisting in the ongoing migrant crisis in Southeast Asia.

The United States has asked Thailand for permission to use its airports — likely either Phuket or U-Tapao airports — as a temporary base for planes assigned to monitor the movement of thousands of migrants stranded in the sea. According to Thai foreign minister Tanasak Patimapragorn, Thailand is still considering the request and has asked the United States to provide more details about its proposed mission, since Bangkok has “to take national security into consideration.”

Tanasak did not spell out exactly what these national security considerations were. But the issue of basing has at times been a prickly one in U.S.-Thai relations. U-Tapao, a base used during the Vietnam War as well as during relief operations following the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004 and after Cyclone Nargis in Myanmar in 2008, is a case in point. For example, in June 2012, NASA was forced to cancel a climate study because of Thailand’s failure to grant approval to use U-Tapao Airbase. A hodgepodge of rationales were cited by opponents of the plan in Thailand, including concerns about how China would perceive it, the threat to national sovereignty, and even worries about U.S. espionage activities. Washington had also wanted to use U-Tapao as a center for humanitarian research and rescue operations in the region.

Read the full story at The Diplomat

Editorial: Could the South China Sea Cause a China-US Military Conflict?

By Bo Zhiyue

It’s in neither country’s interests to have a conflict — but they’re headed in that direction all the same.

Contrary to the idea of “a new type of great power relationship” defined by mutual respect, mutual benefit, and win-win cooperation proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping, China and the United States have been recently engaged in a war game over the South China Sea.

In response to China’s active construction of islands in the disputed waters of the South China Sea, a U.S. Navy P-8A Poseidon surveillance plane flew near the construction site on Fiery Cross Reef in the Spratly Islands on May 21, 2015 and received eight warnings from a Chinese military dispatcher. This incident came less than a week after a U.S. warship sailed through the Spratly Islands.

From China’s point of view, the construction work in the South China Sea is lawful, necessary, and on its own territory. As Foreign Minister Wang Yi stated in March 2015, China is merely building facilities in its own yard. “We have every right to do things that are lawful and justified,” he said.

From the United States’ perspective, however, China’s construction work poses threats not only to its immediate neighbors such as Vietnam and the Philippines — a U.S. treaty ally — but also to the freedom of navigation in the South China Sea — one of the world’s busiest shipping routes. In Washington’s view, a robust response is urgently needed.

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Editorial: China and the US - Clashing Visions for the South China Sea

By Jin Kai

The U.S. and China have different goals — and thus clashing approaches — for resolving the South China Sea issue.

Since the 1990s, there have been three symbolic incidents between China and the United States that still spark disapproval in China: the 1993 Yinhe Incident (where the U.S. held a Chinese cargo ship at sea under accusations — later proven false — that it was carrying chemical weapons to Iran), the 1999 bombing of Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, and the 2001 Hainan or EP-3 incident in the South China Sea, where a collision between a U.S. EP-3 plane and a Chinese jet killed the Chinese pilot. Still, no major conflict or stand-off happened between these two great powers after these incidents, thanks to careful and skillful handling of the situation by both sides.

Given this history, the most recent fly-over of the South China Sea by a U.S. P-8 surveillance plane made the Chinese uncomfortable. The truth is that although this time the U.S. acted rather dangerously in the Chinese view, similar patrols by U.S. ships and spy planes have been going on for decades. There is virtually no substantial difference between this latest patrol and countless others, although the situation probably will turn extremely dangerous should the United States actually decide to send warships and surveillance aircraft within 12 nautical miles of the disputed islands in the South China Sea without China’s permission.

The Americans claim a legal right to conduct such surveillance, but the Chinese warn against it by describing such acts as irresponsible and dangerous, with the possibility of causing military misjudgments. So why do it?

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Editorial: In New White Paper, China's Military Embraces Global Mission

Chinese Navy Warships (File Photo)

By Shannon Tiezzi

China envisions a global role for its military –especially its navy — to protect overseas interests.

On May 26, China’s State Council Information Office unveiled a new white paper in a press conference. The paper, entitled “China’s Military Strategy,” is the ninth such white paper focused on China’s military to be released since 1998, but it’s also unique. Defense Ministry spokesperson Yang Yujun noted a stronger strategic and forward-looking focus in this year’s white paper compared to its predecessors.

The Diplomat has already looked at the new white paper, with Franz-Stefan Gady providing an overview and Ankit Panda noting the continued focus on Taiwan. But there’s another aspect on the broad strategic and forward-looking level noted by Yang deserving of attention: China’s vision for a more global role for its military.

The white paper started with an emphasis on the positive: “world war is unlikely and the international situation is expected to remain generally peaceful.” That being said, however, China also sees a variety of threats to both world peace and China’s specific national interests: “power politics” and international competition for influence, “neo-interventionism,” terrorism, and “ethnic, religious, border and territorial disputes” leading to possible and on-going small-scale wars.

In the words of the white paper, “the national security issues facing China encompass far more subjects, extend over a greater range, and cover a longer time span than at any time in the country’s history.” The greater range of threats necessitates of a greater range of response: “In response to the new requirement coming from the country’s growing strategic interests, the armed forces will actively participate in both regional and international security cooperation and effectively secure China’s overseas interests.”

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Editorial: China's 2015 Defense White Paper - Don't Forget Taiwan

By Ankit Panda

The PLA may be shifting its focus to the seas, but Taiwan is still its primary war-fighting scenario.

Yesterday, China’s State Council Information Office released a white paper on “Chinese Military Strategy” — a rarity for the People’s Republic. This document is notable for several reasons, as commentators both here at The Diplomat and elsewhere have already highlighted. It confirms what U.S. analysts have been saying for some time: Beijing is growing bigger and bolder with its military strategy. China envisions itself as a global player, and is in the process of shifting its strategic core from its land-based troops to its navy. Furthermore, Beijing notes that it won’t initiate a war, but it will strike back if attacked (a modern restatement of Mao’s “active defense” doctrine). In a nutshell, the first part of Chinese Vice Premier Wang Yang’s famous statement — that China “[has] neither the ability nor the intent to challenge the United States” — no longer applies. The second part — intent — remains an open question.

Of course, the timing of this white paper will skew readings, especially in the West and in Southeast Asia. In recent months, all eyes have been on China’s increasing assertiveness in the South China Sea. China is building islands and building facilities, including airstrips, on those islands with a scope and pace unprecedented in the region. In recent weeks, the United States has said that it will begin to challenge the legitimacy of China’s behavior and send ships and planes to assert that despite Beijing’s island building, the sovereignty of these various reefs and islands remains indeterminate.

Read the full story at The Diplomat

Editorial: Why China's Submarine Force Still Lags Behind

By Franz-Stefan Gady

Why the People’s Liberation Army Navy’s underwater fleet still lags behind those of other navies.

China is fielding an impressive fleet of conventional and nuclear submarines. According to the Pentagon’s Office of Naval Intelligence (PDF), the People’s Liberation Army Navy’s (PLAN) underwater force consists of five nuclear attack submarines (SSN), four nuclear ballistic missile submarines (SSBN), and 53 diesel attack submarines (SS/SSP).

The Pentagon in its annual report to the U.S. Congress on Chinese military developments estimated that by 2020 this force will likely grow to between 69 and 78 submarines.

The bulk of China’s conventional sub armada consists of 13 Song-class (Type 039) diesel-attack subs and 13 Yuan-class (Type 039A) air independent-powered (AIP) attack submarines with an additional 20 Yuan-class vessels planned for production.

The submarine force’s main mission remains anti-surface warfare (ASUW) along major sea lines of communication (SLOC). Weaknesses in anti-submarine warfare and land-attack capabilities persist in the PLAN’s submarine fleet, according to a recently published report by the RAND Corporation.

One of the major structural weaknesses of the force is Chinese propulsion engineering, or the lack thereof, since the majority of engines used in Chinese subs are imported foreign technology, often license-built in the country.

Read the full story at The Diplomat

AUS: Australia's future Submarine project reaches crisis point

SENATOR THE HON PENNY WONG

LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION IN THE SENATE

SHADOW MINISTER FOR TRADE AND INVESTMENT

LABOR SENATOR FOR SOUTH AUSTRALIA

SENATOR THE HON STEPHEN CONROY

DEPUTY LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION IN THE SENATE

SHADOW MINISTER FOR DEFENCE

LABOR SENATOR FOR VICTORIA

THE HON DAVID FEENEY MP

SHADOW ASSISTANT MINISTER FOR DEFENCE

SHADOW MINISTER FOR VETERANS’ AFFAIRS

SHADOW MINISTER FOR THE CENTENARY OF ANZAC

SHADOW MINISTER FOR JUSTICE

MEMBER FOR BATMAN

AUSTRALIA’S FUTURE SUBMARINE PROJECT REACHES CRISIS POINT

Industry Minister Ian Macfarlane has plunged Australia’s Future Submarine Project into chaos.

Minister Macfarlane has finally admitted that, under the Abbott Government, South Australia “may not build the first few” submarines.

The Coalition made an election promise to build 12 submarines in South Australia.

Since the election Tony Abbott has broken this promise and crab-walked away from his commitment to South Australians.

AUS: Wedgetail aircraft achieves Final Operational Capability

Australia now has the most advanced air battle space management capability in the world, with the Royal Australian Air Force’s E-7A Wedgetail aircraft achieving Final Operational Capability.

The fleet of six Wedgetail aircraft reached the milestone this month with the entire capability, from physical aircraft to logistics, management, sustainment, facilities and training, now fully operational and able to support ongoing operations.

The Wedgetail has already proven to be highly reliable and effective on operations and this achievement will further Australia’s capabilities.

The aircraft deployed on Operation Okra in the Middle East region, completing over 100 surveillance sorties with our coalition partners, flying more than 1,200 hours.

USA: Training, Proximity Factor Into Army Pacific’s Success

By Amaani Lyle

DoD News, Defense Media Activity

FORT SHAFTER, Hawaii, May 26, 2015 – Natural disasters amplified by climate change, urbanization and the sheer vastness of the Asia-Pacific region are among many factors that have prompted leadership there to dub the area “the Ring of Fire,” the deputy commander of U.S. Army Pacific said in a recent interview here.

Maj. Gen. James F. Pasquarette said about 100,000 soldiers are assigned to USARPAC and under its operational control, with 80,000 of them stationed east of the International Dateline in Hawaii, Alaska and the U.S. West Coast, and about 20,000 stationed in South Korea and Japan.

“We are risk-averse -- we have to be there based on the North Korean threat, which is unpredictable,” the general said. “We have to be ready to ‘fight tonight,’ so we are there … with 8th Army, 2nd Infantry Division, 19th Expeditionary Command, other soldiers, and also the Japan footprint, which is key to that operation.

When Army Gen. Vincent K. Brooks arrived as USARPAC commander two years ago, he moved part of the staff to South Korea to better support 8th Army and U.S. Forces Korea, Pasquarette said. “Today we have about 25 to 30 staff officers and [noncommissioned officers] residing in Korea,” he added.

USA: Assistant Secretary for Political-Military Affairs Puneet Talwar Travels to Hawaii and Singapore

Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs Puneet Talwar will travel to Hawaii and Singapore May 26-31, 2015.

In Hawaii, Assistant Secretary Talwar will attend the Change of Command ceremony at U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM).

In Singapore, Assistant Secretary Talwar will be the senior State Department representative in the U.S. delegation to the Shangri-La Dialogue, a forum sponsored by the International Institute for Security Studies for exchanges among defense and security policy professionals from across the Asia-Pacific region. He will also meet with senior civilian and military officials from countries across the region to discuss regional security, maritime security, and defense trade issues.

US State Department